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untanglingwebs
El Supremo
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Sun Apr 13, 2014 2:46 am |
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untanglingwebs
El Supremo
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Sam Riddle to U.S. Attorney Barbara McQuade: Detroit has more Kwame Kilpatricks 'in training'
Gus Burns | fburns@mlive.com By Gus Burns | fburns@mlive.com
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on January 16, 2014 at 4:20 PM, updated January 16, 2014 at 7:59 PM
DETROIT, MI -- An ironic exchange between Kwame Kilpatrick-era corruption casualty Sam Riddle and U.S. Attorney Barbara L. McQuade, the woman who put Riddle behind bars, occurred during an anti-corruption seminar at the Masonic Temple in Detroit Thursday.
Instead of dodging McQuade's "bulldog" assistant prosecutors, he's now offering anti-corruption advice.
Riddle, who writes the column "Detroit Raw" for the Michigan Citizen, pleaded guilty to conspiracy to commit bribery in 2009 related to his work as a the chief of staff to then-Councilwoman Monica Conyers, who also spent time in prison. Riddle was sentenced to a 37-month prison term in 2010 and released to finish the remainder of his sentence at a halfway house in late-September.
McQuade, after discussing the Kilpatrick corruption trial and its ongoing impact on government fraud, fielded questions from the nearly 50 attendees, many who were attorneys, some coming from as far as Washington D.C. for the event.
Moderator Nolan Finley, a columnist for the Detroit News, looked to the back of the dimly-lit and ornate room in the basement of the Masonic Temple where the session took place. He called on Riddle for one last comment to McQuade.
"As one of the 30 that was quasi-successfully prosecuted by you... as someone who did time in a real federal prison and not a cushy camp... I can tell you that right now one of the problems we face in Detroit is that there are more Kwames in training," Riddle said. "The severe sentence in a city like Detroit with the political street swag that allows for a George Cushingberry getting elected; ain't nobody scared of it.
"I think that in Detroit and other urban areas" the best approach "would be to prevent the act from occurring, because there's a whole culture of corruption. I've said the only difference between Detroit and a third-world nation is the goats in the street."
Riddle said all the Kilpatrick case and 28-year sentence did -- for some -- was make them think, "Well, I've got to be slicker than that" but others simply don't understand "right over wrong."
He recommended that the U.S. Attorneys Office work with newly-elected officials to help them understand situations they might encounter in their position of power and how to legally respond.
McQuade, who said nearly 30 people were indicted stemming from Kilpatrick administration corruption, liked Riddle's idea and said it's something her office would look into.
She praised Dave Bing for "restoring dignity to the office of the mayor."
"He asked to meet with us to talk about some of the areas where we saw flaws in city government which led to the Office of the Inspector General," McQuade said. "But you take it a step further... I think it's a wonderful idea." |
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Sun Apr 13, 2014 2:50 am |
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untanglingwebs
El Supremo
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While Kilpatrick was "in your face" with his corruption, there are other politicians who are nearly as corrupt and have not been prosecuted.
In Genesee County many believe in voting along party lines. But the belief that you must be a Democrat to be elected in certain parts of the county has led to candidates running for office as "Democrats In Name Only" (DINO). If we can't trust them to tell us what they really stand for, can we trust them with anything else?
I knew John Northrup socially, but until recently never really discussed politics. When I commented how Republican in his thinking he was, friends were surprised it took me this long to come to that realization.
Then I had an enlightening conversation at the White Horse. I mentioned that a Republican was taking on Mark Young and a friend who lives in Goodrich only smirked and kept asking "you mean the guy representing my neighborhood is a Democrat?" He is too political to ask that question. Then another politically astute friend and former politician turned to me and said that Jamie Curtis of Burton was a Republican before he became a Democrat.
When Brenda Battle Jordan (R) running for the County Commission seat now held by Omar Sims, I was surprised to hear her references about being surprised when Sims worked for Democratic candidates. Both were members of Black Americans for Life.
So I guess the solution is to attend the community forums when you can and find out the values the candidate holds. Look at their backgrounds and the groups they belong to. If they lie while a candidate and hold memberships and affiliations with others we suspect as corrupt, then we cannot trust the to not be corrupt.
I agree with Riddle that there are other corrupt politicians in training. |
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Sun Apr 13, 2014 3:11 am |
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untanglingwebs
El Supremo
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Issue of race looms over Machen’s crackdown
Written by Nikita Stewart
Published: January 16
Ronald C. Machen Jr. and Vincent H. Cohen Jr. never intended to tear down the District’s black political infrastructure.
It just happened that way.
When the longtime friends left lucrative jobs as defense attorneys to take over the U.S. Attorney’s Office four years ago, public corruption was third on a list of priorities.
But public corruption quickly rose to the top. They’re good at fighting it.
In head-turning succession, they picked off three D.C. Council members and embarked on a wide-ranging case that has uncovered the covert deals and money that helped Mayor Vincent C. Gray get elected in 2010.
Machen, the U.S. attorney for the District, and Cohen, his assistant, also tackled Jeffrey E. Thompson, one of the city’s most prominent black businessmen. Less than two years ago, Thompson was the city’s leading fundraiser, a generous philanthropist, the holder of the single-largest city contract at $322 million annually and the majority owner of one of the largest black-owned accounting firms nationwide. He’s now an unidentified, unindicted co-conspirator in court documents.
In all of those cases, 16 people — including former council members Kwame R. Brown, Michael A. Brown and Harry Thomas Jr. — have pleaded guilty to various crimes. And all of those people are black.
Machen and Cohen make no apologies. They repeat their mantra: “We prosecute conduct, not color.”
Yet the Batman and Robin of the U.S. Attorney’s Office cannot ignore that their takedowns have some in the city wondering if they’ve gone after black officials too hard — and paid less attention to other wrongdoers. Others worry that their approach is crippling the black establishment at a time when the city’s once-dominant black population is shrinking.
Council member Yvette Alexander (D-Ward 7), a loyal supporter of Gray, said racial disparity in guilty pleas has been stark and creates a perception that “all African Americans are surrounded by corruption.”
“It’s a whisper. It’s an undercurrent,” she said. “It looks bad. ... People may look at us and group us.”
Publicly Machen and Cohen reject any notion that their actions have been anything other than fair. But friends and colleagues say both men are troubled by the perception. Even as the pair push for more indictments and seek to put away more corrupt politicians, they face questions about whether they’ve gone out of their way to target their own.
Machen and Cohen launched the investigation into secret money that helped get Mayor Vincent Gray elected in 2010.
Jeffrey Thompson, seen in an April 2010 image from C-SPAN, is an unindicted co-conspirator in the Gray case.
The crackdown by Machen and Cohen was, at first, welcomed by the denizens of D.C. government and politics. Two top law enforcement officers finally cared enough about the District to dredge the John A. Wilson Building of its graft with an intensity not seen since the U.S. Attorney’s Office set its sights on then-Mayor Marion Barry in the late 1980s.
But the initial enthusiasm was soon replaced by unease that seeped into the daily gossip of who’s next. One investigation after the other, plea by plea, the tension built.
In March 2011, the U.S. Attorney’s Office launched an investigation into Gray’s 2010 campaign, spurred by a Washington Post article that said minor mayoral candidate Sulaimon Brown was paid and promised a job to disparage then-Mayor Adrian M. Fenty on behalf of the Gray campaign. Fenty lost the primary and his chance at a second term.
In January 2012, Thomas — the scion of a mini-political dynasty in working-class Ward 5 — pleaded guilty to funneling more than $350,000 in public funds to make personal purchases, including an Audi Q7 SUV and a Victory motorcycle. The money was supposed to go to youth programs.
Six months later, Kwame Brown — whose rise to council chairman far exceeded the dreams of his father, a dogged local political operative — pleaded guilty to lying on bank applications to get $200,000 in loans. He spent some of it to buy a boat called “Bullet Proof.”
In June 2013, former council member Michael Brown, the son of the late, highly regarded Secretary of Commerce Ronald H. Brown, pleaded guilty to bribery, taking $55,000 from a fake business looking to get city contracts and certification. He was snagged in a sting operation that began just as Kwame Brown, no relation, was resigning from office and pleading guilty.
Meanwhile, no white council members or key political figures have fallen during the corruption clampdown. One, council member Jim Graham (D-Ward 1), was seen by numerous black politicos as a worthy target.
Graham was first elected in 1998, defeating a longtime African American council member who was a founding member of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. The election was a sort of precursor to the way the city’s demographics and elected officials would transform.
Last year, the D.C. Council formally reprimanded Graham and stripped him of some of his council duties after two investigations by a law firm hired by the Metro board and the city’s new Board of Ethics and Accountability found he offered support to a businessman if that man withdrew from a development project.
Separately, Graham’s chief of staff served eight months in prison for receiving gratuities in a scheme involving the taxicab industry after he was sentenced in 2011.
Troy W. Poole, a defense attorney, said he thought that Keely Thompson, his client and a former pro boxer, had evidence of wrongdoing against a council member who he had identified as Graham that was not vigorously pursued. Thompson was sentenced to 21 / 2 years in prison for taking more than $200,000 in grant money. The U.S. Attorney’s Office, led by Machen and Cohen, said it could not corroborate Thompson’s accusations and said that he was an unreliable source.
Graham has denied any wrongdoing in both matters. He announced last month that he is running for reelection, and says he believes Machen and Cohen are doing a good job.
Meanwhile, the longstanding investigations of Gray and Jeffrey Thompson continue apace, unsettling some who wish they would wrap up and allow the city to move forward.
“I do wonder if there was a way to come to a resolution before now,” said Pauline Schneider, a prominent securities lawyer who is chairman of the federal committee that selected Machen as one of three nominees for his post in 2009. “It’s kind of a difficult place for the mayor, but it’s also a difficult place for this city. ... It’s so damaging for the city. We can’t get on with our life, in a sense.”
Although many political leaders and observers in the District believe that Machen and Cohen are colorblind when it comes to pursuing cases, the racial makeup of the indicted is conspicuous to a circle of black D.C. residents who have built their lives around a city government that helped them get jobs and contracts beginning in the 1970s when the federal government was not as welcoming. Some wonder privately whether Machen and Cohen are simply trying to make bigger names for themselves. Or whether the two have ambitions for the city’s top political office themselves. Both men dismiss both suggestions.
In interviews, separately and together, Machen and Cohen are incredulous that the issue of race is being raised about who they’ve gone after. They point out they have also prosecuted federal officials, including Rep. Trey Radel (R-Fla.), who are white. And they emphasize that blacks were often the victims of the corruption crimes they prosecuted. Machen and Cohen say they have been exemplars of professionalism throughout their careers.
Machen and Cohen’s involvement with the city’s black ruling class is complicated. Both men have friends and fraternity brothers who intermingle within that bubble. Cohen is a former general counsel of the 100 Black Men of Greater Washington; Machen is on the same holiday party guest list as Thompson, the mayor and former mayors. The guilty pleas of Thomas and Michael Brown marked the fall of two Omega Psi Phi brothers.
“Part of the challenge for both of them is that it involves their home turf, people they know or people who know people they know,” said attorney Frederick D. Cooke Jr., who has represented several targets and who considered Cohen’s father a mentor. “I don’t think either one of them is built to walk away from that challenge.”
Vince Cohen greets Leutrell Osborne II at the 6th District party. At left is Osborne's daughter, Anaka. Vince Cohen greets Leutrell Osborne II at the 6th District party. At left is Osborne's daughter, Anaka. (Andre Chung/For The Washington Post)
Cohen, 43, and Machen, 44, led parallel lives before they met in 1997 as assistant U.S. attorneys in the D.C. office.
Each man carries the name of his father and was raised by married, college-educated parents in solidly middle-class neighborhoods.
Cohen grew up in the District’s North Portal Estates, a Northwest community nestled near Rock Creek Park; Machen grew up in Southfield, a Detroit suburb.
Machen attended Cranbrook, the private college prep boarding school in Michigan that boasts former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney as an alumnus. Cohen attended Sidwell Friends, the private school that counts Chelsea Clinton as a graduate and Malia and Sasha Obama as current students.
Both high school athletes, Cohen and Machen had to prove themselves on the college level. Machen walked on to the Stanford University football team; Cohen walked on to the Syracuse University basketball team.
In college, they both pledged Omega Psi Phi fraternity, a predominantly African American fraternity. They went to law school: Cohen at Syracuse and Machen at Harvard.
But despite their mostly idyllic journeys to manhood, they both encountered racism along the way.
Race became a factor at Sidwell, Cohen said. Shepherd Elementary, where he attended through fourth grade, was predominantly black. At Sidwell, “it was my first time being a minority. It was not all that easy a transition because of that,” Cohen said. “Some of the folks weren’t that familiar with African Americans. ... There were some things said that weren’t so kind.”
Cohen became president of the Black Student Union and organized go-go parties at the school that featured legendary acts, such as Rare Essence, drawing students of all races from the region. “I thought I could be the voice of African Americans at Sidwell if they were having problems,” Cohen said.
Machen said he dealt with racial profiling while driving from Southfield to Bloomfield Hills to get to Cranbrook. “I had an old Buick, a ’72 Buick. My dad got it for me,” he said, fondly remembering the blue car of his youth.
He recalled his frustration at repeatedly being pulled over. He often found himself saying to police: “You stopped me yesterday. I go to school here.
“I wasn’t a big fan of police,” he said. “At least not those police.”
Cohen was 10 when he thought he might be a lawyer like his father, known as Vinnie. The entire family went to watch Cohen Sr. in the courtroom, and Cohen liked the way all eyes were on his father, the son of Jamaican immigrant parents, who climbed out of New York’s Bedford-Stuyvesant neighborhood on a basketball scholarship to Syracuse. (He roomed with football-great-turned-movie-star Jim Brown.)
“I remember when he stood up and delivered what I now know to be a closing argument. I really appreciated how everyone listened to him,” Cohen said. “It was amazing.”
At Syracuse, Cohen tried to fashion himself into a mini-Vinnie. In a eulogy to his father, who died in 2011, he said: “Growing up, I never had to emulate athletes or rap artists. ... I had the perfect role model, right upstairs.”
Machen’s father was a chemist, teaching at Cheyney and Delaware State universities before uprooting the family from Philadelphia to work at Ford Motor Co. in Detroit when Machen was 9.
Though Machen was studious, he struggled with science. He would not follow in his father’s footsteps, but going to law school continued a family tradition of taking on law-and-order careers.
Machen said he was offered funding to attend law school at the University of Michigan, but his father intervened. “My dad was pretty clear: ‘You’re going to Harvard. Take out those loans,’ ” Machen recalled.
He interned at a Chicago law firm, was a summer associate at WilmerHale in Washington and then returned home to clerk for U.S. Court of Appeals Judge Damon Keith, who at 91 remains one of the most respected judges in the country. “He came to me with a swagger. He had finished at Cranbrook. He had finished at Stanford, Harvard,” Keith said. “He was a little cocky. In a nice way.”
Machen was also brilliant and listened intently to the judge who explained to him that he could best learn law as a prosecutor, Keith said.
Meanwhile, Cohen didn’t hop from city to city. He wanted to clean up the District. “I knew I was coming back home,” he said. “This was the murder capital of the world. [Drug dealer] Rayful Edmond was running around. There was basically a drug war in D.C.”
Cohen first clerked under Superior Court Judge Cheryl M. Long, who became the first black woman to head the District’s public defender’s office in 1985 before her appointment as a judge three years later.
By 1997, Cohen and Machen both found themselves hired by then-U.S. Attorney Eric Holder.
It was Cohen’s first day on the job in September when Machen scooped him up for lunch. They shared mutual friends because of the fraternity. They spent that lunch break talking about the best way to approach cases. “He was my mentor the whole time I was here,” Cohen said.
Meanwhile, Cohen helped Machen in his personal life. He was the single father of a young son at the time and took Cohen up on invitations to his family home, where Machen could soak in advice from Cohen Sr. and be reminded of his own upbringing in Southfield.
Machen methodically made his way through different divisions within the office, finally finding he was best in homicide, colleagues remembered. “He volunteered for a lot of cases,” said Superior Court Judge Kimberley Knowles, who worked with the two men. “I did think it was ambition, but I didn’t know what his ambitions were.”
Machen and Cohen both mastered the courtroom “when they were both young puppy prosecutors,” said lawyer Michele Roberts, known for such high-profile clients as Anita Hill.
Cohen approached every case as if it were the biggest of his career, Roberts said. “This guy thought he was trying the Manson murders,” she said. “He was not at all intimidated by me, which I counted on, because young lawyers get sloppy.”
“I was amused by him.”
Then, she realized, “I had to step up my game.”
Machen left the U.S. Attorney’s Office in 2001, and Cohen left about two years later. Both landed at big law firms. Machen returned to Wilmer Hale; Cohen first went to his father’s Hogan & Hartson and then to Schertler & Onorato.
Both men went into private practice to pursue personal financial stability. They began building their families. Machen’s wife, whom he married in 1998, is in marketing; Cohen’s wife is an oral surgeon.
Cohen and Machen became astute defense attorneys, though much of the success of their high-profile cases was in keeping clients from being convicted of more serious crimes.
Machen represented defense contractor Mitchell Wade, who admitted giving $1.8 million in gifts, including a boat and Persian rugs, to U.S. Rep. Randy “Duke” Cunningham in exchange for federal contracts. Cohen took on clients including former attorney general Alberto Gonzales and NBA All-Star Steve Francis.
In 2008, Barack Obama was elected president, setting off the hunt for a new U.S. attorney in the District. Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton (D-D.C.) does not have a vote in Congress, but Democratic presidents have given her the courtesy of naming the U.S. attorney.
Among the three nominees that her committee provided, Machen impressed Norton most, she said, because of his promise to revive a community outreach program that had been dormant since Holder left the post in 1997. Machen’s résuméwas also stunning. “He has punched every ticket you could look for in a U.S. attorney,” she said.
Machen turned to Cohen for advice. The men had built a friendship on law, cookouts, going to games. Cohen had no hesitation when Machen asked him to be No. 2.
“Working for someone who is your friend is perfect,” Cohen said. “Friendship is based on trust. I trust Ron.”
It’s the public trust that they both eyed. Encouraged by former deputy assistant attorney general Mary Pat Brown and new boss Holder, Machen made fraud and public corruption a priority.
Kwame R. Brown. Former chair of D.C. Council. Pleaded guilty to bank fraud and campaign violation in 2012. Sentenced to home detention, supervised release and community service.
Michael A. Brown. Former D.C. council member. Pleaded guilty to bribery in June 2013. Awaiting sentencing; faces 37 months in prison.
Harry Thomas Jr. Former D.C. Council member. Pleaded guilty to theft of public funds and filing a false tax return. Sentencedto 38 months in prison.
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When Machen and Cohen talk about their successes in rooting out corruption, they talk most passionately about the victims.
Thomas illegally siphoned funds from the Children and Youth Investment Trust Corp., a quasi-public agency the city uses to distribute money to youth programs. “That is a fund for black kids. The victims here are minorities,” Cohen said. “You have to look at it from a victim’s perspective.”
Young people are important to Machen and Cohen, who frequently speak to teens about abiding by the law and preventing violent crimes.
Cohen said people sometimes don’t understand the impact that public corruption has on the people who are supposed to receive funds that are stolen and misused. “That’s money that would go to the kids we speak to. It’s not small stuff. It’s not misdemeanor stuff,” he said.
In the Kwame Brown case, the U.S. Attorney’s Office uncovered misdemeanor campaign violations but also more serious felony crimes. Cohen said Brown committed bank fraud against one of the oldest black banks in the country. “I don’t think anything’s minor about that,” Cohen said.
But it was the investigation of Michael Brown for bribery that perhaps cut deepest, especially for Cohen.
His father, Vincent H. Cohen Sr., was the first black partner at what is now Hogan Lovells. Ronald H. Brown, the first black chairman of the Democratic National Committee, was the first black secretary of commerce. Their sons, about five years apart, would sit courtside Saturday mornings as their fathers sweated and elbowed other black men who shouldered the responsibility of firsts, escaping into a few hours of weekend basketball, then brunch with their sons.
This is where friends and confidants have to explain what’s really going on with Machen and Cohen, who can’t publicly express how difficult the past four years have been.
Clifford Alexander, retired U.S. secretary of the Army, watched Cohen and Michael Brown grow up courtside during those games on Saturdays. Alexander was friends with their fathers; Cohen Sr. was his campaign chairman when he ran unsuccessfully for mayor.
It has been heartbreaking to watch the divergent paths the boys have taken as men, Alexander said.
He said Cohen has grappled with the situation. “The simplistic word would be ‘compartmentalized,’ ” Alexander said. “He felt personal sadness toward someone who was a family friend. [Yet] you have a professional obligation to prosecute.”
Former D.C. attorney general Robert Spagnoletti, who used to supervise Machen and Cohen, said they are not blind to their unique position.
The District adopted its unofficial nickname from the 1975 funk tune “Chocolate City” at a time when seven out of 10 residents were black. It is estimated that the city’s black population has now slipped below 50 percent.
“Ron and Vince are very aware of the racial implications of what they do,” said Spagnoletti, now chairman of the D.C. ethics board. “They are both extremely aware of the impact.”
Former D.C. police chief Isaac “Ike” Fulwood considers himself a friend to Machen, Cohen and Mayor Gray. In his office where he now serves as a U.S. parole commissioner, he lamented: “When I’m around and you talk to people, they are saddened by the corruption. They are saddened, because if you’re not careful, you hand it over. If you’re not careful, Vince could be the last black mayor.”
Among a dozen people hoping to be elected mayor in 2014, three white council members and two black council members are seen as having an equal chance in early polling and analysis as they challenge Mayor Gray, who was reluctant to get into the race because of the probe of his 2010 campaign. There’s a good chance the next mayor may not be black.
Former U.S. Attorney Joseph DiGenova says he knows what it’s like to be hated for bringing down the city’s black political leadership. He was repeatedly criticized for his public hunt of then-Mayor Barry, finally nabbed in the infamous crack-smoking sting at the Vista Hotel. Two decades later, DiGenova is still fighting the perception that he was out to get Barry. His unrelenting pursuit of Barry contributed to a backlash that put Barry back into office when he returned from prison.
DiGenova, who grew up in Delaware the son of an Italian opera singer, noted one major difference between him and Machen: “Because he’s African American, he ain’t the white man coming down on the black man.”
But what if you are two black men bringing down men and women who look like you in a city whose identity is rapidly shifting?
Fulwood, who questioned DiGenova’s motives in the 1980s, said it’s not the fault of Machen and Cohen.
“They did what they were supposed to do. If Vince [Gray] is the last guy, he failed. It’s not that Ron Machen and Vince Cohen failed,” he said.
For his part, Machen continues to stress that his office is out to clear the city of corruption, regardless of race. And he continues to vehemently reject any insinuation that he has not been fair.
“It is our obligation to protect those minority children and those minority businesses and stamp out that sort of corruption so that D.C. residents receive the honest and ethical government they deserve,” he said. “We won’t shrink from that responsibility because of false criticisms.”
Nikita Stewart has covered D.C. politics and government for The Washington Post. Staff researcher Jennifer Jenkins contributed to this report.
E-mail us at wpmagazine@washpost.com.
For more articles, as well as features such as Date Lab, Gene Weingarten and more, visit WP Magazine.
Follow the Magazine on Twitter.
nativeson7 wrote:
1/19/2014 5:37 PM EST
I can't believe the racism and ignorance unabashedly expressed by black city officials in this piece.
"In his office where he now serves as a U.S. parole commissioner, former D.C. police chief Isaac Fulwood lamented: “When I’m around and you talk to people, they are saddened by the corruption. They are saddened, because if you’re not careful, you hand it over. If you’re not careful, Vince could be the last black mayor.”
Hand it over Ike? is the mayor's office an entitlement?
Can you imagine the reaction to a white elected official expressing his sadness over the prospect that future elected officials might not be white?
LongTimeRez responds:
1/20/2014 12:17 AM EST
nativeson7--ignorance and racism are what built DC politics after home rule, sorry to say. And it isn't the individuals but the system that needs a reset.
When Nikita Stewart frames the U.S. Attorney's Office #1 and #2 as cartoon characters ("white" ones at that), it is simply time for Machen and Cohen to move on with their work and to stop sucking up to the Post.
Who cares if Stewart claims that the pair "cannot ignore that their takedowns have some in the city wondering if they’ve gone after black officials too hard — and paid less attention to other wrongdoers?" This is a laughable and breathless distraction from the real problems--widespread corruption in DC government--that need to be solved if we aren't simply going to put new frosting on a rotten cake.. |
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Sun Apr 13, 2014 3:26 am |
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untanglingwebs
El Supremo
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Both Flint and Genesee county politicians and appointees have given contracts to illegitimate businesses in the area. Both have given no-bid contacts. Both are heavily involved with non-profits. Both walling and Stanley were elected officials with their own non-profits.
Talk keeps occurring about Grand Juries, and yet the feds in the area seem unable to complete any investigation. Or perhaps they are unable to make the investigations they start. All we citizens know is there is plenty of corruption around and nothing ever changes.
The linkages between the politicians and the contractors winning awards when they are not eligible should be investigated. Other communities file charges when a company lies on a grant or loan application. Here we just give them another contract. |
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Sun Apr 13, 2014 3:34 am |
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untanglingwebs
El Supremo
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Sun Apr 13, 2014 6:17 am |
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untanglingwebs
El Supremo
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A lawless Detroit and Michigan
Posted by: The Michigan Citizen Posted date: April 09, 2014 In: Editorial, Top
“Where justice is denied, where poverty is enforced, where ignorance prevails, and where any one class is made to feel that society is an organized conspiracy to oppress, rob and degrade them, neither persons nor property will be safe.” — Frederick Douglass
Detroit is not safe. And we don’t say that to mean criminals are at every turn of the corner waiting to prey on their next victim. While that may be the case in some instances, the real harm is done by those who are in positions that are supposed to provide a secure and decent quality of life for residents — those that are entrusted with the public good do just the opposite.
When U.S. Attorney General Barbara McQuade won her victory in court against Kwame Kilpatrick, she suggested corruption in Detroit had come to an end. While we, and many of our readers found appeal in McQuade’s comments, it has become increasingly apparent this couldn’t be further from the truth. Corruption in Detroit — in Michigan is alive and well.
Corruption in Detroit is apparent when people are so disenfranchised and isolated, they take it upon themselves to beat someone who accidently hit a child. It is failure to understand moral corruption that creates a “dual system” of compassion. Corruption — in public policy and public office — created the extreme poverty and deprivation that much of Detroit is living under, creating an environment where such a base response could happen.
Recent mainstream reports would lead the public to believe Council President Brenda Jones — or her supporters — to be a part of wrongdoing with an alleged bribe for the council president vote. Although the allegations are under investigation and it is unclear if anyone at all can be implicated, we question the focus on Jones. There is no fairness in that singular focus especially when it was Jenkins’ name that came out of the Eastern Market bar conversation.
All council members should be questioned and investigated. However, it does seem for some, as if it is more comfortable to believe Jones, the winner with a populist message would be corrupt. Ironically, there is little money behind populism these days.
And unlike New Orleans, where not only former Mayor Ray Nagin was indicted for accepting bribes, but also those who offered the bribes were arrested, many of the bribers in the Kilpatrick saga are still walking around, unscathed and doing business.
Last week, the state Democratic Party revealed Gov. Snyder’s cousin received a lucrative state contract, double what it was budgeted to be. It’s hard to say what is more corrupt, the increase in the furniture contract while benefits for schools and seniors are being cut, or the fact that Gov. Snyder’s aide Richard Baird — paid from a fund with anonymous donations —appeared to steer government contracts to benefit the governor’s cousin. Whoa. If that had been Kwame…
There are several layers of corruption and lawlessness operating in Detroit. The legal aspect of corruption can be prosecuted by the U.S. Attorney’s office, but the understanding of moral corruption requires a sense of humanity, compassion, empathy. Those qualities are in short supply considering the attacks on the state and city’s most vulnerable residents. The attacks —water shut offs, unemployment, failing schools, mass incarceration, emergency management — are Michigan’s most vile and lawless acts.
We join Democratic gubernatorial candidate Mark Schauer in asking for a federal investigation of the Snyder administration. |
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Sun Apr 13, 2014 6:20 am |
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untanglingwebs
El Supremo
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Schauer calls for federal probe of Snyder’s office
Posted by: The Michigan Citizen Posted date: April 09, 2014 In: Detroit,
Rev. David Bullock introduces Democratic gubernatorial candidate Mark Schauer at a unity meeting of the 13th and 14th Congressional districts. PHOTO COURTESY MICHIGAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY
By T. Kelly
The Michigan Citizen
Mark Schauer, the Democratic candidate for governor, wants the U.S. Attorney to investigate Gov. Rick Snyder’s administration.
During an interview with this paper March 27, Schauer said he thought it was appropriate for federal investigators to “look at what kind of favors were being done, if any.”
Schauer was referring to the scandal uncovered by the state Democratic Party surrounding the governor’s cousin. George Snyder owns a furniture company, DBI Business Interiors, with offices in Jackson and Lansing. DBI is also a subcontractor of Haworth Inc., a company supplying office furniture to the State of Michigan since the 1990s.
According to emails the Democrats obtained using the Freedom of Information Act, when George Snyder realized the State was going to cut its furniture purchases to $1 million, he sent an email April 2011 to Richard Baird in the governor’s office, saying he was very “upset and nervous about the language in the Senate bill on furniture.”
Baird forwarded the email to then Budget Director John Nixon and replied to the governor’s cousin with the email message, “people are on this, sit tight.” Nixon emailed Baird to say, “We are on it.”
In July 2011, George Snyder emailed Baird again. This time he proposed a meeting with Nixon to discuss the furniture procurement process. The House had made no amendments to the furniture budget and it never became law. Baird forwarded that email as well to Nixon, mentioning the relationship between the governor and George Snyder.
In September 2012 the value of the Haworth contracts more than doubled from $19.2 million to $41.4 million, the Democrats revealed. According to an Associated Press analysis, a 2013 state contract with Haworth for office seating also rose from $4.7 million to $7.2 million.
Baird has been at the center of additional controversy in the Snyder administration over the NERD fund, which draws dollars secretly donated to Snyder’s efforts. Baird, who is paid out of the NERD fund, was working in the governor’s office on state business; he was not a state employee. Synder’s New Energy to Reinvest and Diversity Fund paid Baird’s salary and also Detroit Emergency Manager Kevyn Orr’s accommodations in the Book Cadillac.
Snyder refused to reveal the source of the NERD funds and has since stopped paying Baird from the fund.
Schauer said the scandal comes as no surprise. “This is how the CEO NERD governor has governed,” Schauer said. “It’s Rich Baird who was paid for out of his NERD fund — and, by the way, all of these activities were happening when he was paid out of this NERD fund. It raises a lot of questions. You know, the fact that he would be trying to do favors or take care of this business that happens to be run by the governor’s cousin. It raises a lot of concern about how this governor does business. Who’s he looking out for? Keep in mind this was 2011. This was a time when Gov. Snyder cut a billion dollars from public schools; was cutting money to local cities like Detroit; cutting money to universities like Wayne State University; was raising taxes on retiree pensions, working families, the working poor. So, this is a governor who is out of touch; shows the wrong set of priorities.”
The Michigan Democratic Party has already sent materials on this matter to U.S. Attorney Patrick Miles, he said.
The governor’s office did not return a phone call seeking comment. In published reports, the governor has dismissed the furniture dealings, saying, “It’s people trying to occupy time and space and make this a story, so we’ll spend less time working on jobs and I won’t play that game.”
In an AP report, state budget office spokesperson Kurt Weiss said DBI as a subcontractor dealer gets an undisclosed cut of the Haworth contracts. Weiss said the value of the furniture contracts went up because the state is closing offices and relocating employees to state-owned buildings. The cost-saving cuts and moves require one-time upfront expenses such as refitting work cubicles. |
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Sun Apr 13, 2014 6:23 am |
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untanglingwebs
El Supremo
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Selling our city for a paycheck
Posted by: The Michigan Citizen Posted date: April 02, 2014 In: Editorial,
There’s one group in Detroit city government that has been exempt from all the austerity measures leveled at others. This group has kept its salary intact; the auto is still free; the health insurance paid for; those two months a year of vacation waiting to be taken; the pension protected. Yes, their pension is protected. In fact, name any cut that has hit any other sector of city government and one group remains untouched: the city council.
True, council lost some staff positions. But, there’s really less work to do. Because bottom line, they have no power. Emergency Manager Kevyn Orr has total power over every aspect of the city. He can change the charter, break contracts, eliminate entire departments, ignore public comments, or whatever he chooses — or his boss, the governor, requests.
So if the council is faced with a vote, they give Orr a legitimacy he doesn’t deserve. Their vote makes it seem as the city is operating democratically. It’s not. Ironically, it is that appearance of democracy that will — in the end — do us the most harm. Pending before the courts right now is litigation asking the courts to rule Public Act 436 unconstitutional. This law replaced Public Act 4. Over 2.3 million Michiganders in all but five counties voted in Nov. 2011 to defeat PA 4, the Emergency Manager Law. So the governor and Republican lawmakers pushed through the new version of emergency management, PA 436, in the dead of night without public comment.
In addition, the lawmakers made it impossible for voters to overturn PA 436 by tying an appropriation measure to it.
If the courts rule PA 436 unconstitutional, any moves taken by the EM could possibly be overturned. But that will not happen if the democratically elected body voted for it. And the council is approving any deal that aids Orr and his boss, Snyder.
Like the 40-plus blocks of prime land the council gave to billionaire Ilitch to build a new Red Wing stadium. Joe Louis will be torn down at taxpayer expense. Ilitch has no obligations to pay the city until after the first puck is dropped, and then the city gets little. Ironically, all economists, urban planners and community development specialists say stadiums are the worst economic development tool a city has: Little if any spin off follows.
Council members certainly can read the development literature that spells out what nonsense it is for a city to invest in a stadium, so why did they approve the deal? Why did they approve the Consent Agreement in the first place? What are they getting besides full salary and full benefits?
Saunteel Jenkins, James Tate and Andre Spivey are the remaining council members who voted with the governor for a consent agreement in 2012. They opened the door to let in the state, and they are still doing so. Orr said he let the bad-deal stadium project go through because “it was in the works.”
Call the council members and tell them to stop participating in the city’s demise. Tell them to stop selling the city for a paycheck. |
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Sun Apr 13, 2014 6:26 am |
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untanglingwebs
El Supremo
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Our Opinion: Know of public corruption? Call the U.S. attorney
In 2011 two Chicago women were indicted by a federal grand jury in Springfield for stealing hundreds of thousands of dollars in state grant money between 2005 and 2009.
U.S. Attorney Jim Lewis announces the indictment of Quinshaunta R. Golden during a news conference in Springfield on Thursday, Aug. 8, 2013.Bernard Schoenburg/SJ-RU.S. Attorney Jim Lewis announces the indictment of Quinshaunta R. Golden during a news conference in Springfield on Thursday, Aug. 8, 2013.
By The Editorial Board
Posted Aug. 11, 2013 @ 12:01 am
Updated Aug 11, 2013 at 10:06 AM
In 2011 two Chicago women were indicted by a federal grand jury in Springfield for stealing hundreds of thousands of dollars in state grant money between 2005 and 2009.
The women, both with ties to the Chicago chapter of the Black Nurses Association, secured 15 grants and contracts from various state agencies, knowing that little, if any of the money, would be used for its intended purpose.
Margaret Davis and Tonja Cook steered at least $500,000 to personal use, spending it on such things as mortgage payments, utilities and credit cards. They pleaded guilty to federal mail fraud and money laundering charges.
At the time, it seemed like an isolated case of greed, poor judgment and public corruption.
But then came the 2012 federal indictment of former Country Club Hills police chief Regina Evans and her husband Ronald Evans, accused of stealing a 2009 Illinois Department of Commerce and Economic Opportunity grant worth $1.25 million.
The couple ran two nonprofit organizations and promised to use the grant money to train bricklayers and electricians and provide GED preparation in a renovated theater they owned in Chicago. Little, if any, training occurred.
Scooped up in the Evans’ ever-widening scandal were Regina Evans’ brother, Ricky McCoy, accused of obstructing justice, witness tampering, conspiracy and money laundering, and Jeri L. Wright, who allegedly took state money, claiming to do work related to the grant’s purpose, but deposited $20,000 into bank accounts controlled by the Evanses. Wright is accused of making false statements to the grand jury and to federal authorities.
The hits didn’t stop there. The U.S. attorney’s office and its public corruption task force brought charges against additional people since 2012 for their roles in pilfering state grant and contract money.
Former Chicago state Rep. Constance Howard, 70, is accused of spending most of $76,000 in scholarship money raised through a golf charity on herself and her political campaigns. She has pleaded guilty.
Lloyd Kelly, a former aide to a state lawmaker and a person with ties to Howard, is accused of using at least $164,500 from a pair of $1.2 million grants from the Illinois Department of Health to pay for personal expenses and campaign and other expenses for the lawmaker.
Quinshaunta Golden was chief of staff for the Illinois Department of Public Health from 2003 to early 2008. She allegedly accepted $433,000 in kickbacks from grantees who sought access to $13 million in state grants under her direction. She also instructed a grantee to give false information to authorities.
Leon Dingle Jr., a former commissioner with the Illinois Medical District, and his wife and two associates are accused of using several companies to steal at least $3.7 million in state money intended to fund medical programs for diseases such as cancer and AIDS. |
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Sun Apr 13, 2014 6:37 am |
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untanglingwebs
El Supremo
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Meanwhile in Flint, the 108 loan to OK Industries, Joe Giacalone and Dan Robin, was used for personal purposes and another business and was never used for a window company here. David Leyton deep-sixed the criminal case Despite paybacks promised in the civil case, no repayments and the City of Flint is still repaying the federal government for the fraudulent loan which occurred under Mayor Stanley.
The seemingly apparent fraudulent actions in the Smith Village and other plans involving federal funds don't appear to be investigated. There are many individuals that need to be investigated, including Mike Brown, Walling, Eason,and Charles Young Jr.. Even Governor Snyders office should be reviewed for all of the contracts given to his campaign contributors. The company brought in from the Grand rapids area to finish Smith Village did not use local workers and stayed in Grand Blanc to spend their money.
The City had to give back $550,000 to the feds for the botched deal on the new state human services building on Clio Road that the feds said over-enriched the builder. The same company was involved in a federal finding against MSHDA in Detroit. But guess what, he is still getting state contracts. |
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Sun Apr 13, 2014 6:54 am |
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untanglingwebs
El Supremo
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Sun Apr 13, 2014 11:48 am |
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untanglingwebs
El Supremo
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While Michigan has several statutes governing the various aspects of ethics in government at both the state and local levels, local government entities may, by ordinance, establish and enforce ethics regulations for local public officials and public employees to the extent provided by law and/or charter.
This webpage is designed to assist municipalities of all types in designing and implementing an ethics that best fits their needs and resources.
This office has developed this model ordinance language as a means of assisting local officials in drafting an ethics ordinance for their local unit of government. While the adoption of such an ordinance is not required by state law, the information contained on this site is designed for local officials to adopt an ethics ordinance.
THE GOVERNING BODY OF EACH GOVERNMENTAL UNIT SHOULD SEEK THE ADVICE OF ITS LEGAL COUNSEL WHEN DRAFTING ITS ETHICS ORDINANCE.
Model Ethics Forms (http://www.michigan.gov/ag/0,1607,7-164-34391-218887--,00.html) Links to Public Acts (http://www.michigan.gov/ag/0,1607,7-164-34391-218888--,00.html) Open Meetings Act & Parlimentary ProceduresOrganizational Contacts (http://www.michigan.gov/ag/0,1607,7-164-34391-218889--,00.html) |
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Sun Apr 13, 2014 11:50 am |
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untanglingwebs
El Supremo
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Schuette, Corrigan Announce Felony Embezzlement Charges Against DHS Employee
Contact: John Sellek or Joy Yearout 517-373-8060
March 23, 2011
LANSING - Attorney General Bill Schuette and Michigan Department of Human Services Director Maura D. Corrigan today announced that the Attorney General's Public Integrity Unit has charged a DHS employee with four felony embezzlement charges resulting from a DHS Office of Inspector General investigation. The investigation revealed the employee, whose job was to authorize department purchases, ordered goods from vendors on behalf of the department for his own use and benefit.
"Enriching yourself at public expense is not only shameful, but compromises the integrity of government and violates the public trust," said Schuette. "Weeding out corruption is top priority. Stealing from the taxpayers of this state simply will not be tolerated."
"DHS will not tolerate the misuse of public dollars for personal gain," said Corrigan. "That is why the DHS Office of Inspector General aggressively investigates all complaints of fraud and abuse and why we take swift action to ensure our employees conduct themselves with taxpayers' best interests in mind."
Brian Hengesbach, DHS Facilities Management director and a 15-year DHS employee, was responsible for the authorization of the purchase of goods and services from private vendors for the department's use. It is alleged that between December 2008 and December 2009, Hengesbach embezzled a total of $4,750 worth of goods by placing orders on behalf of the department on two occasions and taking possession of the items once they had been paid for by DHS. Items purchased included carpeting and chairs.
In December 2008, Hengesbach allegedly placed an order for nine boxes of carpeting on behalf of the DHS, later authorizing a payment of $1,575.00 for the product. It is further alleged that after personally picking up the carpeting, Hengesbach installed it in the basement of his home.
In a second incident taking place in June 2009, Hengesbach allegedly authorized a procurement request for folding chairs, certifying that they were necessary for the benefit of the department. The invoice shows the cost of the folding chairs as $66.15 each, which was paid by DHS. Hengesbach picked up the folding chairs from a local warehouse in July 2009 and sold many of them on two separate occasions, keeping the money he made from both transactions.
As a result of the alleged crimes, Hengesbach faces:
- Three counts of Embezzlement by an Agent or Servant of a Public Officer, a 10-year felony.
- One count of Conducting a Criminal Enterprise (Racketeering), a 20-year felony.
An arrest warrant for the felony charges was filed today by Judge Patrick Cherry in the Lansing 54-A District Court. Hengesbach turned himself in and awaits arraignment, which may take place later today. Hengesbach is currently suspended from the department without pay.
Since being created in February 2011 by Attorney General Schuette, the new Public Integrity Unit has filed 41 charges in various cases of corruption in state and local government.
A criminal charge is merely an accusation and the defendant is presumed innocent until proven guilty. |
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Sun Apr 13, 2014 11:52 am |
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untanglingwebs
El Supremo
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Pontiac Fire Chief Jeffrey Hawkins charged with bribery, racketeering
MICHELLE MUÑOZ, CRAIN'S DETROIT BUSINESS
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 15, 2011
Former Pontiac Fire Chief Jeffrey Hawkins has been charged with bribery and racketeering by the state attorney general's Public Integrity Unit.
Attorney General Bill Schuette announced today that Hawkins would be charged with accepting bribes from a Pontiac bar owner in exchange for ignoring code violations.
The charges stem from a 2009 FBI investigation that started when the owner of Little David's Island Bar lodged a complaint against Hawkins. The bar owner alleges that Hawkins solicited a bribe from him in exchange for allowing the bar to stay open despite violations.
Hawkins allegedly accepted a $500 bribe from the bar owner in August 2009 and another $500 bribe from an undercover FBI agent in April 2010.
"Public safety officials who accept bribes and ignore their duty to protect the public are doubly dangerous," Schuette said in a statement. "To restore public integrity and protect public safety, this dangerous corruption must come to an end. We will hold corrupt officials accountable, wherever they are found."
Hawkins has been charged with two counts of accepting a bribe as a public officer and one count of conducting criminal enterprises (racketeering). Accepting a bribe is a felony punishable by up to 10 years in prison, a $5,000 fine or both, along with disqualification from holding public office for life. Racketeering is punishable by up to 20 years in prison, a $5,000 fine or both, along with disqualification from public office for life.
From Crain's Detroit Business: http://www.crainsdetroit.com
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• New Attorney General's Program Aims to Weed Out Corruption: The 'Public Integrity Unit' has already filed 41 charges of public corruption
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• Attorney General Bill Schuette's public integrity unit files first case against two Michigan State Police lieutenants
• 2 troopers, civilian charged in police embezzlement case
• Attorney General Bill Schuette of Midland ramping up fight against public corruption
• Public corruption the focus of Mich. AG's new unit |
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Sun Apr 13, 2014 11:54 am |
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